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In a recent column in Forbes, Google Asserts That Property Rights Are Anti-Competitive (h/t Skip Oliva), patent shill Scott Cleland spins a collossal web of distortions and pro-state-monopoly-privilege propaganda to bash Google for having the temerity to complain about the billions of dollars it’s had to pay to patent predators.

As Cleland writes:

Google recently complained in a blog post called “When patents attack Android” that it is the victim of a vast anti-competitive conspiracy to enforce property-rights against Google’s fast-growing Android mobile operating platform. Google goes on to charge that competitors are wielding “bogus patents” “as a weapon to stop” Google’s innovation. Google specifically is complaining it is anti-competitive that a group of some of its competitors outbid Google to own Nortel’s  roughly 6,000 patents.

Prior to the Nortel patent auction, Google made a high-profile “stalking horse” bid of about $900 million for the Nortel patents that it now complains are largely “bogus.” Google also declared after this initial bid: “we hope this portfolio will… create a disincentive for others to sue Google…” If Google was not so patently deceptive in its public relations, Google would have entitled its recent post: “When Google attacks patents.”

Yeah? So what, Cleland? Google would be right to attack patents. Instead, it has to spend literally billions in protection money to buy up patents just so its competitors will be more reluctant to shake the down for violating their “patent rights.”

Behind Google’s feigned indignation is an old legal adage: when the law is not on your side you argue the facts, when the facts are not on your side you argue the law, but when neither the law nor facts are on your side – you pound the table. Take note: Google is loudly pounding the table.

Effectively, Google is implying that vast numbers of existing patents approved by the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) are bogus and thus anti-competitive. Even more bizarrely,

The very purpose of patents is to protect companies from competition–from the horrible, “unbridled competition” of a truly free market.1 So what is bizarre about this?

Google is effectively arguing that the constitutional right of inventors to patent and own inventions via the due process of the USPTO

Due process? What is he talking about? In the PTO we have legal monopoly privileges bestowed–which amount to takings of third parties’ property (since they can no longer use it in certain ways specified in the patent, from the day it issues)–not by a judge, and the proceeding is ex parte: the parties affected (third parties in the public) are not present; only the PTO bureaucrat and the patent supplicant. And once this “property right” (really, a taking of property rights from the public) is issued, it now has the presumption of validity even though those affected by the patent were not part of the proceeding.

somehow turns anti-competitive if and when patent owners choose to exercise their legal rights to defend their property in court against Google infringement. Google has a patently self-serving view of antitrust law.

It has nothing to do with antitrust law. Patents are monopoly grants that are anticompetitive by their nature since they protect the holder from competition! Whether or not antitrust law covers this (and there is basically an exception in antitrust law to the monopolies the state agencies, like the PTO, grant, even if it is a grudging exception). Further, labeling patent rights as “property” is question-begging. In fact this is just pro-monopoly privilege propaganda.

At core, Google is furiously throwing stones at competitors from its glass house.

It would only be stone-throwing if Google were using patents offensively and aggressively against innocent companies to shake them down for money or to stifle competition, as Google’s competitors (and various patent trolls) are doing to it. Cleland then lists several cases where Google had to pay ransom to copyright or patent holders, as if this is an example of how Google violated property rights. Of course this is only true if patent and copyright are property rights–which they are not, any more than the Crown-granted monopoly to be the only seller of playing cards in England was a “property right.” Instead, patent shill Cleland is just trotting cases where Google was robbed by virtue of the false property rights granted by the state to supplicants. So according to Cleland, Google has to suffer paying billions of dollars in protection money or ransom, and then if it complains about it, it’s being hypocritical since it must have violated property rights–otherwise why would it have paid the ransom?

Cleland concludes:

Common sense tells us free markets cannot exist without enforceable property rights, so suing to protect one’s property rights in court is pro-competitive, while serially infringing competitors’ property rights — like Google does — is anti-competitive.

Unless the “property right” at issue is a false one that should not exist–in which case they ought not be enforceable, and when they are, it is the “trespasser” who is really the victim, and the “victim” who is really the crony-corporate aggressor.

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  1. See Intellectual Property Advocates Hate Competition; also Pro-IP Libertarians Upset about FTC Poaching Patent Turf; Ayn Rand’s Anti Dog-Eat-Dog Rule and Intellectual Property; Let’s Bring Back the Good Old Days of English PatentsIP Rights as Monopolistic Grants to Overcome the Public Goods Problem. []
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From MacRumors (h/t Manuel Lora). The post notes: “The reports note that Apple’s efforts have been led by vice president for global security John Theriault, a former FBI special agent and Pfizer vice president who was hired by Apple after he led a campaign against production of counterfeit prescription drugs.”

So, Apple has hired a former Big Pharma exec and state police thug to enforce its monopoly privileges around the world. Shades of mercantalism!

Apple’s Anti-Counterfeiting Efforts in Asia Hampered by Uncooperative Authorities

CNN reportson details of Apple’s anti-counterfeiting efforts centered in China, noting that the company has had difficulty winning the cooperation of Chinese authorities to investigate and shut down those responsible for the fake Apple products. The details were revealed in documents from U.S. diplomatic cables published by WikiLeaks last week.

The technology giant eventually organized a team in March 2008 to curtail the explosion of knockoff iPods and iPhones, according to an electronic memo from the Beijing embassy dated September 2008.

Yet, three years after Apple moved to crack down on widespread counterfeiting and put pressure on China, progress has been slow. Gadget piracy isn’t a high priority for the Chinese government, the U.S. reports and experts say.

The reports note that Apple’s efforts have been led by vice president for global security John Theriault, a former FBI special agent and Pfizer vice president who was hired by Apple after he led a campaign against production of counterfeit prescription drugs. Theriault was joined at Apple by his Pfizer associate Don Shruhan, who now serves as a director with Apple’s security team in Hong Kong.

Despite putting the anti-counterfeiting task force together, Apple has had only limited success as Chinese authorities have been reluctant to respond to Apple’s requests for assistance. Apple has tried to convince authorities to take a more active role by citing the potential dangers of exploding batteries in counterfeit products and the loss of tax revenue associated with the knockoff products, but Chinese authorities have cited their own reasons for not pursuing the claims.

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Ayn Rand on Patent Trolls

From her “Money Speech” in Atlas Shrugged:

When you see that trading is done, not by consent, but by compulsion—when you see that in order to produce, you need to obtain permission from men who produce nothing—… you may know that your society is doomed.

(h/t Chris Rhodes)

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Rothbard on Mercantilism and State “Patents of Monopoly”

Some great excerpts from Rothbard regarding mercantilist grants of monopoly privilege. Sounds familiar—this is basically what today’s patent system does, too. Love the bit about a playing card monopoly in England (below). Also this part:

The creation of monopolies reached its climax in the reign of Queen Elizabeth (1558–1603), in the latter half of the 16th century. In the words of historian Professor S.T. Bindoff, “… the restrictive principle had, like some giant squid, fastened its embracing tentacles round many branches of domestic trade and manufacture,” and “in the last decade of Elizabeth’s reign scarcely an article in common use – coal, soap, starch, iron, leather, books, wine, fruit – was unaffected by patents of monopoly.”

In sparkling prose, Bindoff writes how lobbyists, using the lure of monetary gain, obtained royal courtiers to sponsor their petitions for grants of monopoly: “their sponsorship was usually a mere episode in the great game of place-and-fortune-hunting which swayed and swirled incessantly around the steps of the throne.” Once granted their privileges, the monopolists got themselves armed by the state with powers of search-and-seizure to root out all instances of now-illegal competition.

Of course, this is just what patent aggressors and the RIAA do now: they obtain monopoly privileges from the state, and use state law enforcement, subpoenas, warrants, etc. to search competitors or consumers for evasion of their privileges which could help undercut their monopoly prices.

Here are the more extended passages these are drawn from. First, from Rothbard’s Mercantilism as the Economic Aspect of Absolutism:

As the economic aspect of state absolutism, mercantilism was of necessity a system of state-building, of big government, of heavy royal expenditure, of high taxes, of (especially after the late 17th century) inflation and deficit finance, of war, imperialism, and the aggrandizing of the nation-state. In short, a politicoeconomic system very like that of the present day, with the unimportant exception that now large-scale industry rather than mercantile commerce is the main focus of the economy. But state absolutism means that the state must purchase and maintain allies among powerful groups in the economy, and it also provides a cockpit for lobbying for special privilege among such groups.

Jacob Viner put the case well:

The laws and proclamations were not all, as some modern admirers of the virtues of mercantilism would have us believe, the outcome of a noble zeal for a strong and glorious nation, directed against the selfishness of the profit-seeking merchant, but were the product of conflicting interests of varying degrees of respectability. Each group, economic, social, or religious, pressed constantly for legislation in conformity with its special interest. The fiscal needs of the crown were always an important and generally a determining influence on the course of trade legislation. Diplomatic considerations also played their part in influencing legislation, as did the desire of the crown to award special privileges, con amore, to its favorites, or to sell them, or to be bribed into giving them, to the highest bidders.[1]

In the area of state absolutism, grants of special privilege included the creation by grant or sale of privileged “monopolies,” i.e., the exclusive right granted by the crown to produce or sell a given product or trade in a certain area. These “patents of monopoly” were either sold or granted to allies of the crown, or to those groups of merchants who would assist the king in the collection of taxes. The grants were either for trade in a certain region, such as the various East India companies, which acquired the monopoly right in each country to trade with the Far East, or were internal — such as the grant of a monopoly to one person to manufacture playing cards in England. The result was to privilege one set of businessmen at the expense of their potential competitors and of the mass of English consumers. Or the state would cartelize craft production and industry and cement alliances by compelling all producers to join and obey the orders of privileged urban guilds.

It should be noted that the most prominent aspects of mercantilist policy — taxing or prohibiting imports or subsidizing exports — were part and parcel of this system of state monopoly privilege. Imports were subject to prohibition or protective tariff in order to confer privilege on domestic merchants or craftsmen; exports were subsidized for similar reasons.

See also Rothbard’s Mercantilism in England:

The principal fiscal weapon to build the nation-state in England was the “poundage,” a tax on the export of wool and a tariff on the import of woolen cloth. The poundage kept increasing to pay for continuing wars. In the 1340s, King Edward III granted the monopoly of wool exporting to small groups of merchants, in return for their agreeing to collect the wool taxes on the king’s behalf. This monopoly grant served to put out of business Italian and other foreign merchants who had predominated in the wool export trade. [continue reading…]

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This is great:

For more, see:

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Good post from Reason magazine a year ago, which had a nice yeasty IP argument between me and Koepsell, on one side, and patent shill Dale Halling, on the other.

Citizen Science, Microfinanced Research, Patent Trolls, and Pharma Prizes

A final dispatch from the Open Science Summit.

| August 3, 2010

(Page 2 of 2)

Two years ago, the National Institutes of Health required that all its grantees make their research publicly available 12 months after it appears in a scientific journal. In one of the more clueless comments made at the hearing, one member of Congress worried that providing free access to journals would amount to giving away our country’s intellectual property to foreign competitors. A lobbyist for journal publishers apparently argued that mandating open access would destroy American jobs. The coalition favors the passage of the Federal Research Public Access Act which would extend the NIH policy to 11 other government agencies that fund research and shorten the embargo time from 12 to 6 months. “You can’t build on cutting edge science if you don’t know where the cutting edge is,” quipped Shockey.

Cheap Drugs for Poor People

Nobody, egalitarians and libertarians alike, showed much love for Big Pharma. One of the concerns is that the current model of drug development means that drug companies must focus on developing pharmaceuticals that they can later sell for high prices. High prices mean that poor people can’t get access to life saving treatments. To overcome this problem Aiden Hollis described the Health Impact Fund (HIF) proposal [pdf]. The proposal would offer drug companies a choice between seeking to recoup their investments using high prices as usual or registering their drugs with the HIF, which would require the firm to sell its product worldwide at an administered price near the average cost of production and distribution. The company would be compensated by a stream of payments based on the assessed global health impact of its drug. The HIF would be funded by governments to the tune of about $6 billion annually. James Love of Knowledge Ecology International wants to accomplish much the same thing by offering big prizes to the developers of medicines that aim to treat diseases rife in developing countries such as malaria, TB, and HIV. He would fund his prizes through a one percent tax on pharmaceutical sales which would raise about $4 billion annually in the U.S.

Many of the summiteers are oddly unaware of the role that Food and Drug Administration (FDA) regulation plays in creating high drug prices. For example, a PR consultant for the summit argued that the chief problem is that Big Pharma and Big Finance want to protect their unconscionable profits by crushing the nascent biotech open science movement. Perhaps so, but what summiteers miss is why this particular dysfunctional business ecosystem exists. Three letters: FDA. As annoying as the FDA regulators are to Big Pharma, the truth is that FDA regulation creates a huge barrier to entry for any new competing firm. This means that start-up biotechs have no chance of getting any therapeutic product approved since it takes years and hundreds of millions of dollars to get it past the hypercautious FDA.

A contrast with the IT industry is instructive. With information technology, a company develops a cool product, runs it out the door, and makes billions (or flops quickly). In biotech and pharmaceuticals, a company can’t do that. Developers of new treatments have to run an expensive and time consuming regulatory gauntlet before they can sell a single pill or shot. I suspect that if the information technology industry was regulated by the FDA we would still be using 50-lb. IBM 5100 “portable” computers costing over $80,000 in today’s dollars.

The foregoing is a taste of the smorgasbord of topics offered at the summit. Others included how do academic researchers get credit for open source contributions, how cure entrepreneurs are reshaping the research enterprise to focus on the development of new treatments, how open source biotechnology can enhance biosecurity, and how open source drug discovery can advance innovation. The summit wrapped up this weekend, having made a slight bit of progress toward its stated goal of organizing the various sub-communities of the Open Science Movement into an effective global force for rapid change in science and innovation policy. It’s a start.

Ronald Bailey is Reason’s science correspondent. His book Liberation Biology: The Scientific and Moral Case for the Biotech Revolution is now available from Prometheus Books.

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Galambos the Crank

My 2006 Mises blog post, Galambos and Other Nuts, has had a fresh spate of comments and argument between libertarians, and pro-IP Galambosian nutjubs. It’s quite eye-opening to see how insane and cult-like and incoherent their reasoning is.

See also Shades of Galambos: Man tries to copyright his name.

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Shades of Galambos: Man tries to copyright his name

an old 2002 post:

Shades of Galambos

by Stephan Kinsella on May 21, 2002

in Intellectual Property,Killer

Shades of Galambos: Along the lines of “if you build it, they will come,” we have the IP analogue, “if government enacts a right to obtain property rights in arbitrary, intangible ‘things,’ they will apply for it”: Man Claims Copyright of His Name, FindLaw (AP), 2002-05-16. Sounds like something–dare I use his name?–Galambos would do (see discussion of Galambos in this article, at footnotes 49-53).

Update: see also Galambos and Other Nuts.

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NSK Interview on Patents, by Taylor Conant (2007)

From a post on my personal site in 2007:

NSK Interview on Patents, by Taylor Conant

Update: link above is now dead; here is the post from the Waybackmachine:

 

April 6, 2007

“Big Dig #3” – Patent Law

The following was an assignment, “Big Dig #3,” for a business journalism class. I researched the patent process and interviewed a patent attorney from Houston, Texas, Stephan Kinsella (his personal website is available here).

On November 28, 2006, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the KSR v. Teleflex patent case, a trial which could produce the most important ruling for patent law in forty years.

The case involves a dispute between KSR, a company which manufactures gas pedals that use an electronic signal rather than a mechanical cable to signal the engine, and Teleflex, a company which claims KSR has infringed a patent it was issued in 2001 for a similar technology. The dispute revolves around whether or not KSR’s system was an “obvious” integration of known technologies or not.

“The implications of this case to the patent system are huge. It could impact millions of U.S. patents currently in force and over 700,000 patent applications currently being examined by the PTO,” according to an interview conducted by PRNewswire.com of Robert Greene Sterne, a member of the counsel for KSR.

Patents, like trade secrets, trademarks and copyright, seek to protect “intellectual property,” or “IP.” Of the general IP category, only patents and trade secrets protect inventions.

According to Stephan Kinsella, a patent attorney from Houston, Texas, there are four criteria the United States Patent and Trademark Office (or PTO), use when judging whether or not an invention is patentable—statutory subject matter, utility, novelty and non-obviousness.

“Basically you can patent machines and processes that produce a useful result, so that’s the first one, and utility means it just has to do something useful,” says Kinsella.

So, based on the first two criteria, drugs are in (potentially make you healthier), while nuclear bombs and perpetual motion machines are out (nukes can only do harm or disutility, while perpetual motion machines are impossible according to the laws of thermodynamics).

“Novelty means it has to be new, and that’s usually pretty easy to overcome,” Kinsella continues. “But then you have to ask yourself if it’s an obvious difference or a non-obvious difference, and in most other parts of the world this is called the ‘inventive step.’”

So, by way of example, Kinsella says patenting the use of an LCD panel with a computer would not be a possibility because it is already obvious that you would use a display device with a computer, even though and LCD is new in comparison to a standard CRT monitor.

As the Supreme Court case shows, and as Mr. Kinsella emphasizes, obviousness – or lack thereof – is the central issue of patent law being debated these days. And the spread of the Internet and electronic goods will serve only to further complicate the patent system in that regard.

“About five years ago, Amazon got an injunction against Barnes and Noble to stop their one-click—they had a patent on clicking once on the basket to buy something as opposed to clicking twice,” says Kinsella, recounting a key moment in the growth of e-commerce. “It’s ridiculous, utterly ridiculous… Barnes and Noble is lagging behind now and I don’t know if that’s why, but it’s possible.”

According to Kinsella, there may even be a kind of populist revolt against the concept of IP by consumers who are increasingly frustrated by restrictions on the way they use their electronic media and information technologies.

“I believe there is a growing hostility towards IP in general, at least among Gen-X and the tech people,” Kinsella says, citing the examples of the RIAA, Disney and the recent Blackberry patent suit in which the company was forced to pay hundreds of millions of dollars to another company which claimed Blackberry had violated one of its patents. “There is an increasing fear a lot of small companies are in of patent infringement when they’re just trying to do business.”

That’s a concern worth taking seriously—after all, the patent system is predicated on the belief that the limited-monopolies granted by it incentivize creativity and create a net benefit for the economy. But if the arbitrariness of the patent system leads to exponentially-increasing costs, the economic usefulness of the system might need to be reexamined.

“If you really take seriously the idea that anyone who comes up with an idea has some property right in it, it either has to be definite or infinite. If it’s infinite, the human race probably would’ve died out a long time ago, because no one would be able to use the wheel, or fire or build a house without getting permission,” says Kinsella. “Therefore, the only way to make them work is to define their duration, but then you run into the problem of arbitrariness—twenty years for a patent, seventy-five years for a copyright, ten year renewable terms for trademarks.”

Until the time comes for Mr. Kinsella’s ideal system which only respects trade secrets and trademarks, he and others concerned with the patent system will just have to cheer on the right outcome in court cases such as KBR v. Teleflex. Depending on the way the ruling goes, that case could result in a striking down of current notions regarding “secondary conditions of non-obviousness,” which Kinsella views as currently helping to promote the arbitrariness of the patent system which is responsible for situations like the Amazon one-click patent.

According to the industry blog PatentlyO.com, Justice Scalia has already hinted that a conclusion in the case has been reached, saying, “I know how that one comes out, but I’m not going to tell you.”

Stephan Kinsella has his fingers crossed.

Posted by The Owner at 2:43 PM

1 comments:

cowbot said…
Well written. Thanks.I’ve written a refutation of ‘intellectual property’ based on austrian praxeological method here:

http://phreadom.blogspot.com/2008/05/intellectual-property-is-fiction.html

The very nature of reality indicates that the idea opens a path towards harm.

May 14, 2008 1:19:00 AM EST
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Good post by Mike Masnick from a couple years ago on Techdirt:

National Portrait Gallery Threatens Wikimedia Developer For Downloading Public Domain Images

from the what-public-domain? dept

Derrick Coetzee, a software developer and an administrator of Wikimedia Commons, the media repository for Wikipedia is being threatened by the National Portrait Gallery in London. Coetzee admits that he downloaded about 3,000 high-resolution images from the site, but notes that they are all of paintings that are in the public domain (nearly all are over 100 years old). Coetzee is in the US, where he notes Bridgeman v. Corel suggests that photographs of public domain paintings do not carry any copyright, since the photograph does not add any new expression. However, such issues are not settled in the UK, and the National Portrait Gallery is insisting that the photos are covered by copyright.

On top of that, the Gallery is claiming a violation of its database right. Database rights are an unfortunate mistake in European law, that allows a copyright-like right to be held on a database, even if the entries in that database are uncopyrightable — such as a collection of facts or a collection of public domain works. Finally, the Gallery is also claiming that Coetzee unlawfully circumvented protection methods designed to keep folks like himself from downloading the content — and thanks to the UK’s own anti-circumvention law, that too could make him guilty of infringement. Of course, that last one shouldn’t apply if the content isn’t actually covered by copyright, as Coetzee argues.

The whole thing, frankly, seems rather ridiculous, and a huge black mark on the National Portrait Gallery in the UK. Here was a chance to help educate the public and give people more reasons to go to the Gallery to see the actual photos, and they’re trying to stomp out that kind of education through abuse of copyright law. The people who run the Gallery should be ashamed of themselves. They ought to go back and read their own mission statement:

Founded in 1856, the aim of the National Portrait Gallery, London is ‘to promote through the medium of portraits the appreciation and understanding of the men and women who have made and are making British history and culture, and … to promote the appreciation and understanding of portraiture in all media’. How, exactly, does suing someone for getting those portraits more attention achieve that goal?

I wrote to John Dvorak around this time, in response to one of his Cranky Geeks appearances where he discussed this issue:

I’m a huge fan of yours. Love your Cranky Geeks, and just listened to the recent episode. I think you and Curry botched the discussion of the National Portrait Gallery paintings, copyright, and Wikipedia issue.

I am, by the way, an intellectual property attorney, and also a libertrian, and an ardent *opponent* of copyright and patent on libertarian, property rights grounds. (My legal site is www.KinsellaLaw.com; my libertarian site and anti-IP writings may be found at www.stephankinsella.com/publications/#IP.)

Curry’s comments were incoherent–I’m an IP lawyer but I don’t know what he was talking about with this creative commons and copyright comments. I think he’s confused–understandable, and the law is a mess, but still.

Your comments were confused primarily because you misunderstand the facts–you seemed to assume the dispute was about some Wikipedia user who posted his own photographs of public domain paintings. I believe it’s a different issue: he downloaded the high-quality photographs on the NPG site and put them up on Wikpedia. True, the underlying painting is public domain, but the question is whether the photograph itself qualifies as an original work subject to its own copyright (not a derivative work, as you seemed to think).  It seems the law in the US leans away from copyright–the amount of originality in taking a photograph meant to be merely a reproduction of a 2D painting seems trivial–but in the UK maybe different.

(A good discussion of the National Portrait Gallery/Wikipedia issue can be found on Mike Masnick’s Techdirt post here
http://techdirt.com/articles/20090713/0203135526.shtml)

Personally I think it’s ridiculous, of course, for the guy who photographs a public domain painting to have a copyright in the photograph, but there you have it.

Another issue is the argument that in order to obtain the photographs from their site he circumvented copyright protection schemes, in violation of the DMCA — another ridiculous law, in my view–but there you have it.

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Dvorak Busts Phony US “CIO” Vivek Kundra

From my blog, a couple years ago:

See John C. Dvorak’s article — Special Report: Is US Chief Information Officer (CIO) Vivek Kundra a Phony? and “No Agenda” piece The Vivek Kundra “Hollow” Deck. It’s also discussed on this week’s TWIT (see also Om Malik’s Dvorak Raises Doubts About U.S. CIO Kundra. White House Calls the Report “Highly Inaccurate” & “a Lie.” Kundra Speaks up). Dvorak seethes with justified scorn at this obvious case of cronyism, where some guy is anointed by the New York Times as some kind of “techno-wiz”. Dvorak says he got suspicious when he heard Kundra talking like an amateur about things like Twitter and Google Docs: “During one of his testimonies before a Congressional committee he even talked about the future being something like the Star Trek holodeck. His clichés and commentary was that of a 18 year-old blogger who just got their first Macintosh.” Hahahah.

When Dvorak looked more deeply into Kundra’s background, he noticed several anomalies: he claimed he was “CEO” of his own one-man company that he ran out of his living room (CEOs manage people; legitimate one-man companies don’t have “CEOs”); he claimed to have received “his master’s in information technology and his bachelor’s in psychology and biology from the University of Maryland,” though, as Dvorak notes. “The biology bachelor’s comes and goes from his bio, but the University has no record of his biology degree either.” Apparently he has no biology degree despite having claimed this in the past. And his psychology degree apparently came from the University’s “University College” location, which is apparently not the same as the University of Maryland itself (more resume fudging?).

But as Dvorak notes, even if Kundra is “squeaky clean he has no business being the USA CIO controlling billions and billions of dollars in government contracts. …He hasn’t done anything to warrant this appointment. There are no great policy papers. There are no books. There is no invention. There is nothing but vague tech positions in city and state governments.” And what has he done so far? Blew $18 million of taxpayer money on the “recovery.gov” website. As Dvorak notes, “What website[] costs $18 million? … The incredibly popular Digg.com, one of the most advanced news gathering sites in the world was initially coded from scratch for between $1200-2500 according to one of its founders. Tools to develop fancy websites have improved drastically over the years and now it costs less for fancy sites, not more. So where is the $18 million going? I can assure you that people who pay attention bugged out their eyeballs at a website expense of $18 million.”

[Cross-posted at LRC]

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MPAA Copyright & Content “Theft” Propaganda

From Scribd:
mpaa-infographic

 

Others charts and graphics at Intellectual Property Charts, Graphs, Graphics, Diagrams.

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As reported on Deadspin, Boise State has long used a unique blue turf, and apparently even has a trademark on the term “Blue Turf.” When Oxford High recently installed a $300,000 blue turf field, Boise State’s general counsel warned them not to use the term “Blue Turf” “in promoting the field and events on it.” So… Oxford can have a blue turf. But they better not say that they do!

Trademark insanity.

(H/t Skip Oliva)

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State robs Google of 1760 defensive patents

Well, the money to buy that many–by taking $500 million of Google’s money for running ads that helped American consumers evade the FDA’s protectionist restrictions on their freedom to buy Canadian pharmaceuticals. That amoung of money could have been used to purchase about 1760 patents, at $284,000 each, approximately the price Google paid recently in the Motorola Mobility acquisition (or about 23 patents, depending on how you figure it — see Google pays $22 million per patent to defend itself).

I’m inclined to view the FDA’s limits on drug freedom as another type of intellectual property right, even though FDA regulations are not usually classified this way. But then, neither are reputation rights (defamation and libel), even though reputation rights are types of IP too, along with patent, copyright, trademark, trade secret, and miscellaneous special-purpose (read: special-interest) legislation like boat-hull designs and semiconductor maskwork rights. Like patent and copyright, FDA regulations drive up costs; restrict innovation; limit property rights; hamper free trade, competition, and emulation on the market; and set up oligolized cartels immunized from competition.

Viewed this way, the state’s stealing $500 million from Google based on FDA regulations is just additional injury done to Google in the name of IP or IP-like state regulations–other injury includes the billions Google is now spending on patents to defend itself, plus the current patent attacks on the Android platform by its competitors. Compared to those other costs, half a billion is chump change. Sure, it could be used to do real innovation, to hire thousands of people, or given to shareholders to use as they see fit–but it’s obvious the state doesn’t give a damn about consumers or citizens except to keep them stupid and compliant and paying taxes to keep the ruling class in the lifestyle to which they are accustomed (as Lew Rockwell put it in a recent interview).

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